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✮Eco-Terrorism ✮Central Planning ✮Anti-Imperialism ✮Anti-reactionary ✮National Liberation ✮Militant Anti-Fascism ✮Dialectical Materialism
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Fascism, the most reactionary and violent stage of capital presents itself historically not as a savior of the capitalists, nor as a savior of the petty bourgeoisie but as a savior of the nation. The fascists employ dishonest and deceptive tactics to keep themselves well established like scapegoating, fetishization of tradition, and fear mongering to quell the workers movement and shift the dissent away from revolution and in the direction of reaction. Propaganda however is not something the ruling classes can rely on for if that fails and the worker’s movement continues to progress, they are surely going to lose to the masses of revolutionaries. The bourgeoisie were forced to answer a question of how they can build a reactionary force out of a revolutionary setting and visibly they have found their answer. Fascism, being a stage that arises out of the collapse of capital uses those classes who had previously found the most success within the system to uphold this. This would of course include the bourgeoisie but that presents the issue that they are much too small of a force to even stand a chance against the mobilizing masses so they seek a relationship of “mutual benefit” with the petty bourgeoisie to build a united front of reaction against the revolutionaries. The petty bourgeoisie already exhibit a 
reactionary mindset and are a much more viable option for the fascists to use as their support against the worker’s movement, they also are of a much higher number of people than the insignificant minority the big bourgeoisie represents in proportion to the masses.
The Fascist doctrine itself maintains stances that relate back to the previously high stages of productivity and flourishment of capital, a time where the petty bourgeoisie were also flourishing. (comments)
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Fascism, the most reactionary and violent stage of capital presents itself historically not as a savior of the capitalists, nor as a savior of the petty bourgeoisie but as a savior of the nation. The fascists employ dishonest and deceptive tactics to

Taking a materialist approach on the matter, Fascism is more complex than just a 
reactionary ideology and roots its creation as a protector of capitalism rather than its opponent. The doctrines of Fascism were born out of a reaction to the workers movement and a solution to suppressing the greatly intensified class contradictions in time of capitalist crisis. This historical role leads us to conclude that labeling Fascism as something of a culmination of radical socially conservative views is inaccurate and does not analyze fascism at its core and looks at Fascism in 
a very surface level way without much investigation. Fascism, while it necessarily is reactionary as a result of it being something that must oppose the morals and ideas of the worker’s 
movement, it is primarily formed around ideas centered around the capitalist mode of 
production rather than its own development from the capitalist mode of production. Taking this 
into account we label Fascism as the most reactionary, totalitarian, and violent form of capital. To elaborate on that statement and to show its accuracy we must first examine some examples of fascism in working motion, these two examples we’ll bring into conversation are Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Following world war one a revolutionary wave swept across Europe as a result of the crisis caused by the war. Capitalism suffered greatly from the war due to the great damages to the countries by the war and the world market that collapsed as a consequence of that. As a 
result of this destruction the standards of living in Europe (especially that of Germany) drastically declined causing poverty, hunger, and most notably the conditions for the masses and the 
communist movement to swell with numbers. This period of turmoil left the contradictions of  capitalism in an incredibly intensified state needing to deal with not just the economic difficulties but the necessity to quell the workers movement. (comments)
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Taking a materialist approach on the matter, Fascism is more complex than just a reactionary ideology and roots its creation as a protector of capitalism rather than its opponent. The doctrines of Fascism were born out of a reaction to the workers m

Exerpt from an interview with Chairman Gonzalo:

EL DIARIO: Some say that your speeches, The Flag and Initiate the Armed Struggle in 1980 are beautiful political poems of war. What do you say about that, Chairman?

CHAIRMAN GONZALO: I'd say that sometimes in politics you have to let yourself go, so that the passion, the deep feelings, can strengthen our determination. At such times, so they say, the heart speaks and I believe that the revolutionary passion which is indispensable for war expresses itself. What literary value it might have I couldn't really say.

EL DIARIO: Do you ever get depressed?

CHAIRMAN GONZALO: No. I believe that I've got an almost built-in optimism. And I occupy myself more with problems of understanding and conviction than with problems of feelings or depression. On the contrary, I think that I am quite optimistic. It is Marxism, Chairman Mao, who has made us understand that people, especially communists, are optimists. Whenever I find myself in a difficult situation I strive to look for its positive aspect or for what potential for development may stillexist within that situation, because nothing is completely black, nor is anything completely red. Even if there were to be a big defeat, even though we have not had one yet, there would always be a positive aspect. The point is to draw out the lessons, and continue to do our work based on the positive aspect. You will always find someone to support you, to lend their ardent enthusiasm and assistance to the struggle, because communism unites people.

EL DIARIO: Do you have friends?

CHAIRMAN GONZALO: No, I don't. I have comrades. And I am very proud of having the comrades I have.
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Exerpt from an interview with Chairman Gonzalo: EL DIARIO: Some say that your speeches, "The Flag" and "Initiate the Armed Struggle in 1980" are beautiful political poems of war. What do you say about that, Chairman? CHAIRMAN GONZALO: I'd say that

To Investigate a problem is to solve it: 
Mao in his work oppose book worship expands on some good principles in regards to debate and discussion, In the first section “To investigate a problem is to solve it” he discusses the issues with taking a subjective and uninformed look at a topic. Without investigation into something, without having a base of knowledge to discuss a subject you have essentially deprived yourself of the right to speak on it until further investigation. Until you investigate a subject, until you know the base of what you're talking about you will just be speaking nonsense. Us as communists should always investigate the contradictions to our lines and principles in order to reassure and test their correctness. Without the investigation of the contradictions to the beliefs we hold we have no real way of ensuring that our stances are correct and without investigation as Mao said we are bound to then reach the wrong conclusion and the wrong idea. The goal of our studies should be to remove the subjectivity of a subject and pronounce the objectivity in the issue. “Investigation may be likened to the long months of pregnancy, and solving a problem to the day of birth. To investigate a problem is, indeed, to solve it.” - Chairman Mao
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To Investigate a problem is to solve it: Mao in his work oppose book worship expands on some good principles in regards to debate and discussion, In the first section “To investigate a problem is to solve it” he discusses the issues with taking a su

tell the masses that this is not the moment, but if the masses launch an insurrection, fight alongside them, so that together we can make an orderly retreat and so that they suffer as little as possible. And if we die with them, our blood will be merged with theirs to a greater extent. This is what Lenin taught us in the famous struggles of July 1917. Because we cannot just tell the masses they are wrong and let events make them understand. No, we can't do that. The masses are the masses, our class is our class, and if they are not heading in the right direction, and the conditions make them desperate and push them into situations, or even if there are those who push them on purpose, we have to be with them so that alongside them we can help them see the unfavorable situation, and fighting alongside them, help them retreat in the best way possible. And then they will see that we are with them through thick and thin. This is the best way for them to understand and be convinced that we are their Party. This is what we would do.
-Chairman Gonzalo
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"tell the masses that this is not the moment, but if the masses launch an insurrection, fight alongside them, so that together we can make an orderly retreat and so that they suffer as little as possible. And if we die with them, our blood will be me

After the collapse of the Roman empire what was then seen as the more “civilized” portion of Europe collapsed. The age of the Roman empire and the other larger civilizations in this period represented that of the epoch of slave societies where the society’s principle contradiction was that of the one between slaves and slave masters. Under this form of relations, the slave masters would own the land, wealth, and of course slaves and would live off of the slave's labor. The slave trade was the primary method of exchange between people and the slaves used were primarily captured from the expansionary conquests of the Empire. However, after 500 years the Empire collapsed and this form of class society was largely crushed and was launched into a new era of feudalistic relations. The Roman empire represented a centralized government which facilitated trade with a currency common to all in the empire, offered protection, and many other services. All of these benefits the wealthy had gotten from having this centralized authority were lost leaving those who already had power to split land and power amongst themselves. There was a very weak form of cohesive organization between these newly formed territories, it was so weak that it generally just did not impact the feudal life whatsoever. Without the centralization of a government land was broken up between landlords at local levels where they now remained as relatively isolationist. With these new localized borders was formed a new set of relations for those living within them, Kings or lords would rule the land completely and under them would remain Knights and other people of wealth like the king. These other wealthy people would be comprised of those in the royal family and landlords. The knights were then used by the king and the wealthy classes as protection. At the bottom of the structure would be peasants. The peasants worked the land of the landlords and would in return give most of the yield to the landlords and then took a small portion for personal consumption. The question is though how radically did the fall of Rome transform Europe? (Comments)
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After the collapse of the Roman empire what was then seen as the more “civilized” portion of Europe collapsed. The age of the Roman empire and the other larger civilizations in this period represented that of the epoch of slave societies where the so

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Repost of an old post on the cultural revolution: The Cultural Rev

The cultural revolution is an addition to theory that was refined by Mao, what it entails is a cultural revolution is necessary to uproot the bourgeoisie's grasp on society that is strongly maintained through the reactionary culture and traditions. What must be understood though is that even after the masses overthrow their old rulers they are still plauged with a birthmark as Marx describes in the quote below. *What we have to deal with here is a communist society, not as it has developed on its own foundations, but, on the contrary, just as it emerges from capitalist society; which is thus in every respect, economically, morally, and intellectually, still stamped with the birthmarks of the old society from whose womb it emerges.* This birthmark is detrimental to the health of the nation and without it's removal we will have many troubles needing to deal with the reactionary customs and traditions, this is why we must implement the. Cultural revolution. It aims to replace the old society and scrub the birthmark away and replace it with a more forward thinking and progressive culture that embraces the ideals of the party and of Marxism. The cultural revolution is the key to building a better society and without it the society would be imbalance between the Party and the old reactionary portions. The cultural revolution specifically targets what was named the Four Olds; these four olds go as follows: old culture, old habits, old customs, and old ideas. These are the most essential parts to target and reform the superstructure for a socialist society.
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Repost of an old post on the cultural revolution: The Cultural Rev The cultural revolution is an addition to theory that was refined by Mao, what it entails is a cultural revolution is necessary to uproot the bourgeoisie's grasp on society that is s

Racism and Capitalism 
Following the colonization and occupation of Africa and “Latin America” a new market had exploded in the Caribbean and thirteen colonies. The land in the Caribbean was perfect for sugar cane and the southern soil of the thirteen colonies was in great condition for the growth of tobacco. Seeing this the colonizers started to invest themselves in these crops and took note however there was an issue as there was not enough of a labor force for the production they wished to achieve. From here started the first forms of slavery based off of race. With the help of the state propagation of racism and racial science the Europeans had a rooted idea of superiority of their “race” and culture over that of those they occupy and this is very visible in their treatment of Africans and the Indigenous people in the Caribbean and what would become the united states in some time. First the colonizers made a choice to use the Natives as slaves to farm but there was a plethora of issues. Generally, the Europeans had issues using them though. The Natives were not immune to the disease the Europeans were and brought with them which in turn made them much weaker than that of the African slaves, another bigger issue is that they had much more connection with the land and people around them making attacks by tribes or escapes much more frequent. After this culmination of issues having to do with the Europeans using Natives as slaves, they switched to the African’s for a variety of reasons so here they came at the barrel of a gun of the colonizers to be used for plantation workers. From this point forward the Africans were used to enrich the European plantation owners and with a combination of strict slave codes such as the Barbados slave code and the social racism now inseparable from European culture the enslavement became normalized and whites genuinely had dehumanized non-whites.
(Comments)
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Racism and Capitalism Following the colonization and occupation of Africa and “Latin America” a new market had exploded in the Caribbean and thirteen colonies. The land in the Caribbean was perfect for sugar cane and the southern soil of the thirtee

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Synthesis of what I’ve learned from Mao’s works “The Mass Line”, “Be Concerned With The Well Being of The Masses”, and “Serve The People”: The future of the workers movement rests in the hands of the party who not only interject themselves in the masses problems to correct them but make the issues of the masses their own. As a movement that only goes as far as the workers allow it the workers movement (lead by the communist party of course) must engulf itself in the interests of the masses and if it were to reject their interests surely the support for the party would dwindle. The workers movement can realistically be looked at as two separate organs that work in cooperation with one another. These organs are represented by 1) the party and 2) the masses and the two organs enable the others succeed. On one hand there is the masses. Without the leadership of the communist party the masses become much more susceptible to reactionary beliefs, social democratic alternatives made by the capitalists, and other things that diverge them from a unified communist movement. On the other hand, the communist party and its leaders have nothing without the masses. Without the masses the party does not have the strength to progress, physically make assaults on the status quo, or anything of this nature. The relationship between the two organs must be symbiotic and the party must not become the new parasite leeching onto the masses. To establish this symbiotic bond between the masses and the party the party must serve the masses interests whenever they have the availability to do so, this servitude to the masses though must always be applied within the framework of Marxism Leninism Maoism and avoid the reactionary and counter revolutionary interests. A common question spurring from this concept is “what if the masses have a really absurd and destructive request?” The party when being faced with these anti-revolution and anti-Marxist requests must do it’s best to curb these by taking full advantage of the control the masses allow them and use all the tools, they possess to their advantage to assist in the correction of these regressive stances. (Comments)
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Synthesis of what I’ve learned from Mao’s works “The Mass Line”, “Be Concerned With The Well Being of The Masses”, and “Serve The People”: The future of the workers movement rests in the hands of the party who not only interject themselves in the mas

New Democracy 
In the context of a semi feudal society the Bourgeois revolution has not yet fully prevailed over that of the feudal past meaning that they are still indeed a revolutionary class. New democracy is a policy used within the context of semi feudal countries to take advantage of the bourgeoisie as a revolutionary class and it uses them to assist in the freeing of the country from imperialism. New democracy is a type of bourgeois revolution different than that of western countries as it does not merely represent a transition to capitalism but is a revolution that gains national liberation as well as establishes a base for building the productive forces of a given area. New Democracy works to form a coalition between the revolutionary classes of a semi-feudal nation to perform the task of removing imperialism and accomplishing the task of a bourgeoisie democratic revolution. These classes include the proletariat, peasantry, petit-bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie. Following the New democratic revolution in which the proletariat establishes its control the communist party maintains a strict control over the capitalist class. The decision to introduce this economic control is for the same basis that the NEP had where the conditions within the nation to become socialist had not yet developed leaving a period that capitalism needed to be introduced. However, it does differ from the NEP. The NEP replaced capitalists with the state hence it being called state capitalism, and New democracy allowed the national bourgeoisie to continue on with growth under the supervision of the communist party.
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New Democracy In the context of a semi feudal society the Bourgeois revolution has not yet fully prevailed over that of the feudal past meaning that they are still indeed a revolutionary class. New democracy is a policy used within the context of se

As Maoists standing for ideological struggle to ensure unity within the organs of the party, we naturally reject liberalism. Liberalism is something that manifests itself in various ways however at its core it carries a common trait which is that it rejects active ideological struggle in exchange for peace. Liberalism is a dangerous manifestation as it drives us from holding correct political lines and destroys the party bringing about political degeneration. Liberalism comes out in a multitude of ways but here are the most common of them:
1.To accept unprincipled peace and avoid argumentation for the sake of preserving personal relationships 
2. Gossiping or talking behind ones back and avoiding the principles of collective life 
3.Passing up ideological struggle if it does not affect you personally or to abstain from it knowing something is wrong as well as avoiding it for the reason of escaping blame 
4. To demand special consideration but reject the organization’s discipline 
5. To indulge in personal attacks instead of struggling to correct incorrect views 
6. To ignore incorrect or counterrevolutionary views without reporting them 
7. To abstain from agitation within the presence of the masses and to act as someone who is not a communist 
8. To allow someone to continue on hurting the masses without interjecting yourself to stop it 
9. To lazily conduct yourself for the reasoning that someone else can perform the task 
10. “To be slipshod in work and slack in study” 
11. To be aware of your mistakes and not to correct them (Continues in comments)
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As Maoists standing for ideological struggle to ensure unity within the organs of the party, we naturally reject liberalism. Liberalism is something that manifests itself in various ways however at its core it carries a common trait which is that it

Mass Line 
The Mass line is a method of leadership where the party interacts with the masses to gain an understanding of their wants and needs in order to gain their support. The party takes the ideas projected by the masses and takes them into thought and synthesizes them within the framework of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the party then formulates these ideas into a feasible solution to the problems of the masses. The party then observes the effects of their implementations and tests the correctness of these ideas. However, this poses the issue that for the ideas to be truly from the masses the party has to take a route different than that of the Soviet Union. Under Stalin the party transitioned from a dependency on the masses to a basis of relying more on technical Cadres. This transition not only doomed the party to progressively become a more bureaucratic form of itself but down the road allowed revisionist forces (Khrushchev and his allies). The mass line as a method is not something that can be effectively applied by a party that rules from the top and only the top, the masses must have a connection to the party and a connection that allows them an effective outlet to express themselves to the party.
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Mass Line The Mass line is a method of leadership where the party interacts with the masses to gain an understanding of their wants and needs in order to gain their support. The party takes the ideas projected by the masses and takes them into thoug

Self crit:

Criticism and Self Criticism and inner party criticism “As we say, dust will accumulate if a room is not cleaned regularly, our faces will get dirty if they are not washed regularly. Our comrades' minds and our Party's work may also collect dust, and also need sweeping and washing” -Mao Tse-tung. Self-criticism is a tool of the party to consistently clean itself of revisionist or dogmatist attitudes. Incorporating the act of self-criticism into a Maoists arsenal allows them to correct their lines if incorrect and will teach us to not only criticize ourselves but also receive criticism from others. Without this tool it becomes a difficult matter for us to cleanse ourselves of dogmatist and revisionist attitudes to ensure we stay on the path of communism instead of the path the capitalist roaders will try to drag us into. Since ideological struggle is an apparent thing within party life and keeps party life alive, we will certainly be always tempted with incorrect lines of thinking and without the knowledge of how to criticize one another or ourselves and will also ensure we stay connected to our goals.
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Self crit: Criticism and Self Criticism and inner party criticism “As we say, dust will accumulate if a room is not cleaned regularly, our faces will get dirty if they are not washed regularly. Our comrades' minds and our Party's work may also colle

A Marxist Analysis of Imperialism and it's Place in Geo-politics: Imperialism is a concept many of us are aware of however not many understand the current form of imperialism and it's influence in modern Geo-politics. Imperialism in it's original form was a practice developed with the rise of slave societies and it paved the way for the most brutal and successful Empires. Imperialism in it's early development was a practice used by slave societies that was used to describe an expansionist and domineering practice used to gain total control over an area. This is commonly associated with the likes of the Roman Empire, the Ottoman Empire, and other Empires that dominated the old world. This definition of imperialism is not what we are speaking of nor is it even relevant to the modern day world. Imperialism in the context we are using it was popularized by Lenin in one of his most known works titled Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism. In the book Lenin details the rise of cartels and monopolies in the industrialized world and it's shift to what he coined as The Imperial Stage of capitalism. What this development of capitalism entails is that capitalism has reached the point of such an intense centralization of capital in the hands of the bourgeoisie that forms these plutocratic organizations known as monopolies and cartels. This centralization not only triggers the monopolization of the national industry but is the beginning and progression of monopolizing foreign markets. The reason for this expansion of economic control is not soley based on greed however it does stem from it.
(continues in comments)
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A Marxist Analysis of Imperialism and it's Place in Geo-politics: Imperialism is a concept many of us are aware of however not many understand the current form of imperialism and it's influence in modern Geo-politics. Imperialism in it's original for

The Post Scarcity Economy and Free Distribution: The necessity of the post scarcity economy which Marx popularized in his work Grunderisse is a point we reach in our production where most goods can be produced abundantly for very little or no cost. Under the post scarcity economy a point is reached where our production capacity has advanced so much so that we can enable a society of free distribution where people may take what they like whenever they'd like. We would by this point not require any currency to moderate the distribution of goods and even if we did goods would be worth little to nothing; because our productive forces would've became so advanced the socially necessary amount of labor time would be virtually nothing to us making goods next to useless to trade or exchange. Things such as hoarding, stealing, and many other crimes would also just fade away for the most part because there is not very many reasons to steal or keep things for yourself if you could just always get them whenever you'd like for free. Some problems and criticisms do come up though from this. The first thing that is usually brought up is that people would just start taking everything and consuming at such a large rate we'd again be faced with real scarcity. Although this is a reasonable concern it's not really an issue, it would not make any sense for anyone at all to hoard goods. Goods would be constantly accessible for nothing so why would people just take it all at once or take in such unreasonable qualities. Not only is it illogical but it's very unlikely even if a massive amount of people were to start consuming goods at such a large rate that we'd face very many problems. There would simply be too many goods to take and it would require an unrealistic amount of people to consume at that level. Another common question/concern is how we will reach this point. Logistically speaking we are at the point where we can satisfy everyone's needs with the current state of productive forces however we are not quite at the point where we have the capacity to reach post scarcity and perhaps that's a good thing for now. (Comments)
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The Post Scarcity Economy and Free Distribution: The necessity of the post scarcity economy which Marx popularized in his work Grunderisse is a point we reach in our production where most goods can be produced abundantly for very little or no cost. U

The General form of value: The general form of value is a form of expression which shows the commonality of a commodity to all other commodities. The expression would look like this:

Commodity A
Commodity B
Commodity C 
Commodity D
Commodity E
= Commodity F (Note: the commodities used and their values have been adjusted for simplicity and are not accurate numbers)

1 Loaf of bread
1 Book
2 Shoes =10 Rocks 
5 Shirt
1 Coat

We can also represent this as:
1 Loaf of bread= 10 Rocks
1 Book= 10 rocks
2 shoes= 10 rocks
5 shirts= 10 rocks 
1 coat= 10 rocks

In this expression rocks takes the place as the general form of expression. 10 rocks is equal to each other commodity displayed. What we can then do as a result of having a general form of value to go by we can trade the commodities with others accurately. The general form of value essentially gives trade accuracy.
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The General form of value: The general form of value is a form of expression which shows the commonality of a commodity to all other commodities. The expression would look like this: Commodity A Commodity B Commodity C Commodity D Commodity E = Com

Money or Price form: The price form of value is an advancement of the more primitive general form of value where instead of a general form of expression that is used as a mediation in trade we use money which is a universally exchangeable commodity. Under the basic general form of value you can not use the general form of expression universally. The general form of expression is a value that is used only as a mediator in trade for accuracy however when money is used instead of a general form of expression we eliminate the general form of value completely. The price form would look something like this:

Price form:

Commodity A = X units of money

Or

2 tons of iron= 2 ounces of gold

Money under the price form does take multiple shapes. Firstly it can represent the amount of crystallized labor within a commodity. Secondly due to the many other factors that contribute to something's value in the market money can represent use values. Here are some examples:

First Form: -The amount of labor it takes to create a shirt is 10 labor units -In this situation 1 labor unit is equal to .5 units of currency

We can determine in this situation that a shirt is worth 5 units of currency. This would be what the first form of the price form may resemble. The money represents the amount of labor congested within the commodity.

Second Form: -Same controls apply to this example as the last -In this example we'll factor in some sort of cloth shortage 
1 shirt = 5 units of currency 
Usually the shirt would be worth 5 units of currency but now we'll factor in a cloth shortage. Since there is a shortage of cloth used to make the shirts and there is an increasing demand the price will naturally go up. Do not mistake this price increase as an increase in the reason value of the commodity, no labor has been added therefore no value has been added. In the example only the use value has been changed, the use value of shirts has increased which has made it more valuable in the market. This sort of situation is representative of the second form money takes as it starts to reflect use value as opposed to the real labor value of a commodity.
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Money or Price form: The price form of value is an advancement of the more primitive general form of value where instead of a general form of expression that is used as a mediation in trade we use money which is a universally exchangeable commodity.